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The Islamic Revolution and Cultural Invasion
Those distinguished in the field of political thought, and known for renewal in the arena of knowledge and action, were often the progressive group of scholars recognized for their awareness and advancement who became the target of accusations.
We observe that a number of practices and actions emerged in political or university environments based on undermining the value and personality of scholars. This was not a naïve practice limited to a particular group.
For example, it is incorrect to speak of the religious seminary as a purely traditional institution, despite the fact that its educational methodology is based on research, analysis, precision of thought, argumentation, renewal, and creativity. Figures such as Martyr Motahhari and Martyr Beheshti—both students of the seminary—should not be considered merely exceptional cases within its path.
There is a likelihood approaching certainty that those who hold such views may not intend harm; nevertheless, these ideas inevitably lead to corruption and contradict reality. Such a perspective can result in the erosion of the scientific and moral standing of scholars, who represent religion and carry its banner within universities and among students. Something similar occurred before the Revolution, albeit with primitive means, yet it still had its effects.
If we deny the scholars and the scholarly authority of jurisprudence and its influence on the current movement of the country, or if we doubt their reputation or speak ill of them, we in fact harm the religious inclination of the people and a vital, influential class within society.
This is precisely what the enemies seek, and it brings them satisfaction and joy, achieving their objectives.
Neglecting the Revolutionary Current in Literature, Art, and Culture
Cultural invasion continued during the war through media tools and misleading rhetoric. Naturally, people’s psychological and mental residues also played a role, but the intensity of wartime conditions acted as a deterrent against the attack.
After the war ended, however, this front began operating more seriously. The atmosphere became suitable for cultural invasion, because the heat and enthusiasm of wartime had occupied and inspired youth, preventing them from listening to the enemy’s message. When that flame subsided, the ground became fertile for the enemy, who expanded his efforts and used multiple tools in a comprehensive cultural offensive.
When I reflect on the breadth of the enemy’s tools, I realize the issue is of great importance to them. One of their methods was neglecting and belittling revolutionary art, literature, and culture in the country.
One of the major achievements of the Revolution was nurturing a number of cultural, literary, and artistic figures. Today we have many poets, short-story writers, and authors proficient in precise Persian writing, and we do not feel a shortage in this regard, thanks to God.
Naturally, only about thirteen years had passed since the Revolution; those raised in its environment had not yet reached the rank of first-tier figures, though many revolutionary talents had the potential to do so within that period.
During the era of despotism at the end of the monarchy, our land had become barren and did not truly produce great men, writers, or artists, especially in certain artistic fields. Now, however, among our youth there are capable filmmakers, actors, directors, poets, and writers.
The Revolution liberated these potentials. One practice aimed at these energies was the attempt to neglect and isolate this committed group. Since our youth are relatively inexperienced, it is natural they are quickly affected and lose momentum when they feel ignored or belittled by even a few individuals in official cultural institutions.
They also experience discouragement when magazines labeled as literary and artistic exaggerate and glorify opposition figures.
A young religious filmmaker may face rejection when presenting his film to official institutions, while seeing weaker works embraced simply because they lack an Islamic perspective. Such a young person may withdraw and feel despair.
I have felt deep sorrow many times for these devoted, passionate revolutionary youth. Why are they neglected when their abilities equal—or even surpass—those recognized as artists? Careful examination reveals that the root of this neglect lies in a hidden will at a certain point that even officials may not notice. Cultural administrators may be good individuals, but they fail to pay attention to works produced at intermediate levels.
Another method used to isolate committed talents is the neglect of Iranian films or artworks with a revolutionary spirit in international forums. These forums may appear non-political outwardly, but the reality is different.
You have seen the conduct of international organizations—the UN Security Council’s stance on Bosnia and Herzegovina, and what ICAO did regarding the Iranian passenger plane shot down by the United States. Does such behavior indicate neutrality? Are these organizations truly non-political?
Scientific and cultural centers act similarly toward our films, exhibitions, and even children’s works. How, then, can one ignore this reality and claim these organizations are apolitical? Why has no revolutionary artistic work received their awards? Do we lack revolutionary films or poetry? Or do these works lack artistic value?
It is possible that such institutions might even award a Nobel Prize to individuals presented as cultural figures hostile to Islam and the Revolution, in order to magnify them while neglecting and marginalizing revolutionary elements.
Is this not a cultural invasion?
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